Hatimaye Bodi ya mikopo ya wanafunzi wa elimu ya juu Tanzania wameirudisha website yao ambayo ilikuwa imedukuliwa na watu waliojitambulisha kama "TANZANIAN HACKERS"
Friday, 26 January 2018
BODI YA MIKOPO IMEDUKULIWA (HACKED) MUDA HUU
Website ya Bodi ya mikopo ilikuwa inatumika kusajili wanafunzi waliopata mikopo ime hackiwa (be hacked) na watu wasipjulikana. Hivyo zoez la usijili halitawezekana kwa sasa hadi hapo ufumbuzi wa kitaalamu utakapopatikana.
Taarifa hizo zimetokea kipindi amabacho wanafunzi wakiwa ktk harakati za kukamilisha usajili huo ili kuondoa usumbufu wa kupanga foleni wakati pesa yao ya kujikimu ikitumwa vyuon.
Hata hivyo HACKERS hao wamejitambulisha kwa jina la "TANZANIA HAKERS CREW"
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Usisahau kutembele a blog yangu kwa updates nyingi zaidi.
www.sonsoge.blogspot.com
Friday, 12 January 2018
Sylvester Stallone’s Daughters Are All Grown Up And Working As Professional Models
On July 6, 1946, Michael Sylvester Gardenzio Stallone was born in Hell’s Kitchen, Manhattan.
Sylvester spent his childhood living in Washington, DC, with his family. He then went to university in Florida before moving back to New York City.
During the early 1970s, Sylvester struggled to support himself. After sleeping for three weeks in a bus terminal, he took a role in a soft core pornography film.
Years later, he gained international fame as the star and writer of Rocky. The film, which was made on an extremely small budget, was a huge hit. It was the highest-grossing film of 1976 and won three Oscars.
After the success of Rocky, Sylvester went on to write four sequels — and a fifth was written by someone else.
Sylvester’s romantic life was tabloid-fodder for years. He had five children throughout his three marriages, but his oldest son, Sage, passed away in 2012. His three youngest children, daughters Sophia, Sistine, and Scarlet, are all grown up now and working as models.
Tanzanians think corruption in their country has declined. The reality is very different
John Pombe Magufuli became president of Tanzania in 2015, and the perception among Tanzanians is that the corruption issues that used to plague the country’s government improved drastically since then. International corruption-watch organizations, however say nothing has really changed. A May 2017 survey (pdf) by Afrobarometer, a research network, shows that over 70% of Tanzanians believe corruption in the country had decreased “somewhat” or “a lot” in the previous year. This is in stark contrast to the results of a similar survey in 2014, when only 13% reported they believed corruption had decreased in the previous year.
This follows Magufuli’s recent crackdown on corruption in the country. Magufuli came to power in late 2015, following the 2014 resignations and firings of a number of senior government officials involved in a major economic scandal. Magufuli immediately began leading anti-corruption efforts that led to the sacking of hundreds of civil servants who allegedly forged academic certificates, and the arrest of two key players involved in the economic scandal, moves viewed by many as a sign of progress in his agenda to address corruption.
But local perceptions don’t match global measurements. According to Transparency International’s 2016 corruption perception index, Tanzania ranked 117th out of 175 countries in 2013; in 2016, it came in at 116 of 176. The index measures corruption based on assessments and surveys from a variety of organizations that monitor governance in different countries, and assigns a score between 0 (“highly corrupt”) and 100 (“very clean”). From 2013 to 2016, Tanzania’s score actually dropped a point, from 33 to 32.
The difference in Tanzanians’ perceptions of corruption and Transparency International’s might have something to do with a less savory aspect of the Magufuli administration: it’s been accused of stifling opposition views and freedom of speech in general, with its restrictions and closures of media outlets. This shows up in the Afrobarometer survey, too: 71% of Tanzanians said they’d fear retaliation if they had to report corruption to the authorities.
JPM, Lowassa spark debate (TZ)
Dar es Salaam. Controversy has arisen among opposition politicians as they reacted to the decision by former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa to pay a visit to State House on Tuesday where he praised President John Magufuli’s efforts directed at various development projects.
Singida East MP Tundu Lissu described Mr Lowassa’s decision to publicly commend the President as “unacceptable”, arguing that this would have a negative impact on the opposition.
Mr Lissu, who is currently in Belgium for specialised medical treatment, made the condemnation in his statement issued online on Wednesday. He said he was disappointed after Mr Lowassa held talks with President Magufuli without first consulting with Chadema national chairman Freeman Mbowe.
“After listening to Mr Mbowe’s comments about the matter, I came to realise that Lowassa apparently did not consult the chairman over his decision to visit the President,” said Mr Lissu.
He added: “I’m aware that the two leaders together recently paid a visit on the ailing veteran politician Kingunge Ngombale-Mwiru at (the Muhimbili National) hospital. I wonder why he (Lowassa) didn’t consult the chairman (on the State House visit).
“In the current situation where the government upholds unconducive environment against the opposition, it does not make sense to me to hear someone publicly commending anyone,” Mr Lissu stated.
For his part, Arusha Regional Commissioner Mrisho Gambo expressed what he said was his opinion and suggested that Mr Mbowe and another opposition politician, Arusha MP Godbless Lema, “are simply jealous of Lowassa” for being accorded the rare opportunity for talks with the President and national chairman of the ruling political party, Dr Magufuli.
“Mr Lowassa was grateful to have had the privilege of speaking (directly) with President Magufuli. He is glad to have had such a rare chance yesterday. I, therefore, urge Mbowe and Lema to follow proper procedures if they also want to have an audience with the President,” Mr Mrisho said in an exclusive interview with The Citizen.
When asked to clarify whether or not he was the one who arranged – or in any way coordinated – Mr Lowassa’s visit to State House, Mr Gambo said: “What I can say is that President Magufuli has finally responded to Mr Lowassa’s long-time quest.”
Mr Lowassa’s call at State House in Dar es Salaam came at a time of seemingly endless tensions between the political opposition and the government.
Although, observers have been quick to insist that Mr Lowassa’s exchanges with the president were personal between the two leaders – and were not for public consumption – one thing is clear: Mr Lowassa roundly commended President Magufuli for creating jobs and providing free education to Tanzanian children, among other things.
For his part, the national chairman of the ‘Chama cha Ukombozi wa Umma’ (Chauma), Mr Hashim Rungwe, said he had no problem with Mr Lowassa’s visit to State House – thoughtfully adding that every Tanzanian has the right to meet the president in person.
Sunday, 29 October 2017
Raila promises to make things tough for Uhuru
- The National Resistance Movement wing in the National Super Alliance has promised to pile pressure on the Jubilee government to step aside
- NASA leader Raila Odinga said the opposition has several legal means to ensure President Uhuru will not have it easy to rule Kenya following the October 26 poll
- Raila clarified that he will lead a peaceful and not armed resistance as he urged President Uhuru to resign
National Super Alliance leader Raila Odinga spoke tough in an interview on Friday, October 27, promising that President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Jubilee Party will not have it easy ruling Kenya following the October 26 election.
Raila advised Uhuru to resign because the low voter turnout in the Thursday election was a vote of no confidence, and the new NASA wing, the National Resistance Movement will lead peaceful civil disobedience against the government.
“Our constitution in Article 1 says that if the government imposes itself on the people, the people have a right to self-determination. People also have a right to disobeying the orders coming from such a government. We’re going to do peaceful resistance, not through demonstrations, but through other methods we’re going to announce on Monday, October 30,
NASA leader Raila Odinga. Photo: Standard.
“NASA will announce a series of measure that we’ll take in order to bring pressure on this government to step aside. The NRM will basically be involved in civil disobedience, civil unrest and not an armed resistance. We’re going to use all the legal and constitutional means to put pressure on this government to do what we wanted to do,” said Raila as quoted on CNN.
The opposition leader further said that the Constitution allows for picketing, striking, peaceful processions, protesting, boycotting and so forth; and these were just some of the several means at their disposal that they will bring into play against the government.
President Uhuru Kenyatta at Mutomo Primary School when he cast his vote on October 26. Photo: TUKO.co.ke
Raila based this move on the belief that Kenyans are tired of the Jubilee regime, a government that discriminated against them based on their ethnicity; and a regime that practices corruption that has messed up the economy.
As he concluded, the opposition leader clarified that the only conversation he is willing to have with the President is how a fresh election will be held in 90 days and nothing else.
Raila Odinga came in a distant second to President Uhuru in the October 26 election despite him not participating in the ballot.
For weeks prior to the October 26 poll, NASA led supporters in anti-IEBC demos. Now, the opposition intends to lead civil unrest against the government. Photo: TUKO.co.ke
The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission opted to leave his name on the ballot paper.
Friday, 27 October 2017
How betting drives Tanzanians
Betting in Tanzania is a practice that existed since even before the establishment of formal betting stations. Fans usually placed informal bets whenever the fierce rivals, Yanga and Simba, played.
After the establishment of the formal betting stations especially in Dar es Salaam, as unbelievable as it may sound too many, sports betting became and still is a source of income for some Tanzanians. Only that today the most common bets and highest bids are placed on football (soccer).
Betting is not just for the young or the jobless but rather for people of all ages, professions, religions and financial status.
It has become such a common and addictive practice in Dar es Salaam such that a fan once lost his wife betting on a Simba & Yanga match. See video below;
Betting is a worldwide practice; it is a legal and growing industry that involves various stakeholders and players. It is estimated that in both legal and illegal markets, the game is worth between $700 billion and $1 trillion a year.
This booming business has been fueled by continuous advancements in technology that has made online football betting possible. The growth of the Internet and mobile devices has made betting generally much more accessible. The increase in use of satellite television has added to football fans' access to more live coverage of football matches around the world hence increasing interest and opportunity on betting.
Like in many other parts of the world, betting has captured the attention and the interest of many Tanzanians. It currently occupies a larger portion of individuals' daily activities, financial budgeting and pleasure. Current statistics by the Tanzania Gaming Board (TGB) show that there are 2,684 betting stations countrywide, with most of them, about 1,344, being in Dar es Salaam alone.
Betting is a major source of national revenue, hitting Sh1.4 billion a month.
In May, 2017 The Citizen revealed that the revenue that the government gains from sports betting industry has doubled in the past three years. The revenue has gone up from Sh6.2 billion in 2013/14 to Sh12.1 billion in the last financial year as analyzed from the industry regulator's financial data.
This puts betting among the biggest revenue generators to the national coffers from the gaming sector with casinos.
Data from the Gaming Board of Tanzania (GBT) shows that in the period of 2013/14 to 2015/16, sports betting has generated Sh30 billion in total taking over casino industry which has been a main player in the gaming sector for years in terms of revenue generation.
In that period casinos had generated only sh28 billion which is less by Sh2 billion that of fast-growing sports betting industry.
The revenue collected from sports betting in three years is enough to run the ministry of information, culture, arts and sports as in 2017/18 sought 28.2 billion for all the operations.
Tabling the Budget in Parliament on June 9, the Finance Minister, Dr Phillip Mpango, said the Tanzania Gaming Board is expected to collect revenues reaching Sh34.72 billion this year.
Dr Mpango added that the board would contribute Sh2.17 billion to the Treasury in the 2016/17 fiscal year marking the rise of 50 per cent compared to Sh1.44 billion of 2015/16.
Sports is deemed to have grown faster due to the increase of gaming shops across the country and online (financial) services.
But also in the beginning players were not paying taxes because the GBT was only charging Tax operators. So after they started deducting taxes from players, the revenue grew considerably too.
The government amended section 31A of the Gaming Act Cap 41 in 2015/16 financial year imposing 18% tax to all winnings.
The possibility of getting more money after predicting a sport match and availability of income is what makes more youth involved in.
Some of the most popular sport betting stations that you wouldn’t miss driving around Dar es Salaam are MeridianBet, Throne Bet, Princess Bet Tanzania, iPlay8casino, Premier Bet and 888 sports betting. Most common online betting sites in Tanzania are, the newcomer SportPesa and Mbet.
The business of football is proudly brought to you by Raha Broadband visit.www.raha.co.tz
Why America Must Find a Diplomatic Solution to the North Korea Crisis
It should be painfully evident by now that the strategy the United States has pursued toward North Korea since the early 1990s regarding that country’s nuclear ambitionshas not worked, is not working, and is unlikely ever to work. Trying to isolate and punish the so-called Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has been futile and counterproductive. Despite rounds of ever-escalating economic sanctions (both unilaterally by the United States and multilaterally through the United Nations) over more than a quarter century, Pyongyang’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs have gone forward inexorably.
Matters have now reached the point that, by some estimates, the DPRK may possess a dozen or more small nuclear weapons, and given the regime’s surging number of missile tests, it may be close to having a reliable delivery system capable of devastating targets in East Asia and perhaps beyond. Concerns about the American homeland’s prospective vulnerability to a DPRK nuclear strike is the principal catalyst for the Trump administration’s hardline policy toward Pyongyang. Both the president and his national-security advisers emphasize that “all options”—implicitly including military force—are “on the table.” Not since Bill Clinton’s administration seriously considered launching preemptive air strikesto eliminate North Korea’s embryonic nuclear program in 1994 has the danger of war seemed so close.
If the calamity of a U.S.-North Korean armed conflict is to be avoided, U.S. diplomacy must become far more nimble and creative. Among other steps, that means conducting direct, serious negotiations with Pyongyang. U.S. policymakers also need to be more realistic about what results such diplomacy can achieve. Washington’s objective since the 1994 crisis and the subsequent onset of the intermittent six-party talks has been to compel Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear quest. That is a fanciful goal. North Korea’s desire for enhanced power and prestige probably would be sufficient by itself to preclude such a capitulation. With a dysfunctional economy, a bizarre, unappealing political and social system, and an increasingly antiquated conventional military, Pyongyang has almost nothing other than its blossoming nuclear capability that could give it a seat at the table of international affairs.
Worries about Washington’s record offorcible regime change against governments that U.S. leaders dislike undoubtedly add to the DPRK’s aversion to giving up its nukes. North Korea also hasseveral explicit goals and demands. In addition to insisting on full U.S. diplomatic recognition, Pyongyang wants a treaty formally ending the Korean War (replacing the 1953 armistice that merely suspended the fighting), the termination of U.S. and UN sanctions, the end to the annual military exercises between the United States and South Korea, and the withdrawal of U.S. forces from South Korea.
It would not be easy for U.S. leaders to satisfy that laundry list of demands, but refusing even to discuss Pyongyang’s concerns and policy objectives has gotten Washington nowhere. A more flexible approach is essential, including a willingness to make significant concessions. In return for meeting most of Pyongyang’s demands, Washington would be justified in insisting that North Korea not only refrain from conducting additional nuclear and missile tests, but also accept strict limits on the size of any nuclear arsenal and ballistic missile capability. In addition, there should be a requirement for Pyongyang to pull back its conventional military forces from their current menacing positions near the so-called Demilitarized Zone with South Korea.
Such a diplomatic initiative would not only reduce the looming danger of a cataclysmic war in Northeast Asia, it would likely have a positive impact on China’s policy. Beijing might be willing to apply greater pressure on North Korea if Pyongyang spurned Washington’s conciliatory moves and continued its reckless, provocative conduct. There is little question that Beijing is increasingly displeased with the behavior of its ally. The notion circulating in some conservative U.S. political circles that the Chinese are playing a double game and really don’t mind a volatile, nuclear-armed North Korea causing problems for the United States and its East Asian allies is the stuff of paranoid fantasy. Beijing’s warnings to Pyongyang concerning its nuclear and missile tests have become ever more pointed in recent years. China has now even endorsed and begun to implement the most recent round of UN-mandated sanctions against the DPRK.
If a genuine attempt by Washington to negotiate a “grand bargain” with North Korea failed to produce results, Beijing’s annoyance with its North Korean client would likely intensify. Chinese leaders have been reluctant to put maximum pressure on Pyongyang for a variety of reasons. They worry that such coercion might cause Pyongyang to lash out and engage in even more risky military provocations, thereby triggering the very war that everyone wants to prevent. Even if that nightmare did not occur, cutting off food and energy aid might cause the North Korean state to unravel. Among many other potential problems, that development would lead to massive refugee flows into China.
But if it becomes clear to Chinese leaders that Kim Jong-un’s regime will not accept even the most reasonable compromise agreement, they may well be inclined to incur such risks to put a leash on their dangerously disruptive client. That step is even more likely if the Trump administration sweetens the incentives by offering explicit guarantees that Washington will not exploit a possible demise of the North Korean state to enhance U.S. power on the Korean Peninsula.
In any case, we have little to lose by offering to engage Pyongyang in serious negotiations. The alternatives to that approach are much worse. One would be to watch the DPRK soon become a full-fledged nuclear-weapons power akin to Pakistan, along with a fleet of intercontinental ballistic missiles capable of reaching the American homeland. The other option would be to launch a perilous preemptive war to destroy those capabilities. Attempting to achieve a grand diplomatic bargain is far preferable to either of those scenarios.
Ted Galen Carpenter, a senior fellow in defense and foreign-policy studies at the Cato Institute and a contributing editor at the National Interest, is the author or coauthor of ten books, including The Korean Conundrum: America’s Troubled Relations with North and South Korea (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), the contributing editor of ten books, and the author of more than 650 articles on international affairs.
Image: Missiles are driven past the stand with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un and other high ranking officials during a military parade marking the 105th birth anniversary of the country's founding father, Kim Il Sung in Pyongyang, April 15, 2017. REUTERS/Damir Sagolj
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Lissugate: Why we must call in foreign investigators
There are still cries for justice against the culprits in Tundu Lissu’s assassination attempt. Mr Lissu is suffering from the pains inflicted on him by these criminals, who may have been hired to finish him.
Since this sacrilegious act was committed over a month ago, he has been bedridden in Kenya. As a result, his constituency doesn’t have a representative in Parliament. His family is, as well, indescribably suffering. It is not easy to explain what Lissu and his family are going through.
Any human being created truly human will agree with me that the family does not deserve what they are going through, more so considering that their case is not being treated with the importance it deserves by those entrusted with the duty to provide security for every Tanzanian regardless of whether he is an opponent or otherwise.
As result, the hoodlums who freakishly attacked Lissu are yet to be nabbed. Why? This is the question that has led me to thinking about the need to bring in investigators from abroad.
Tanzania won’t be the first to bring in some foreign forensic experts. Kenya did the same when its former foreign minister Robert Ouko died mysteriously in 1990. However, Kenya abandoned the investigation after a British investigator John Troon neared cornering sacred cows behind Ouko’s murder.
Before the so-called ‘unknown’ outlaws attacked him, Lissu had reported his security concerns to the Police Force, which sadly did not take any substantive measures to prevent the attack. As a citizen who is constitutionally entitled to protection from the same police, Lissu didn’t only feel vulnerable but also betrayed. His trust in police has since evaporated.
This is why he’s being treated in Kenya instead of Tanzania. He no longer trusts the institutions of his own country. This is sad and surreal. Demonstrably, Lissu’s family and his party think that to do justice for Lissu and the likes, the police must concur that it is no longer credible to do the job. When it comes to who should investigate this scandal that I would like to call Lissugate, Tanzania’s Police Force has lost the believability since it failed or refused (as his family thinks) to work on the reports Lissu made before it.
I, for one, just like Lissu, his family and Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema), would urge the police to do the right thing, namely to step aside and allow other international organs to conduct investigations in order to prove its innocence. First of all, why didn’t they take action after they were tipped off about the danger Lissu faced?
Why has it taken long time to, at least, nab even a single member of the gang of unknown crooks? One newspaper reported recently that even the CCTV cameras on the crime scene have been removed. Is this true? If it is, why are the police still mum knowing that tampering with evidence is in itself a crime?
The Parliamentary Defense and Security Committee also failed to table its report on the issue that was supposed to be out around mid-September.
Why? No one knows, except the committee and the authorities, which up to now have not done anything substantial as far as investigating the crime is concerned. Thanks to this laxity, some foreign countries such as the UK and the US offered to help in investigating this carnage. As it seems, the authorities are not only tightlipped but also have been dragging their feet. Why?
Due to the fact that the police have proven either they are unwilling or incompetent to look into the Lissugate, it is time for Tanzania to welcome foreign firms to help crack the puzzle behind this seeming criminality. There is no need to wait.
So, too, there is no need of keeping the cart before the horse. If police have proved they cannot nab unknown criminals that made attempt on Lissu’s life, why should the public keep on trusting them that they will apprehend the criminals while as time elapses evidence too fades away? Indeed, Lissugate needs to be looked into by a neutral and professional bodies such as FBI or Scotland Yard among others.
Doctors in Tanzania call for centralisation of national health
Dar es Salaam. The Medical Association of Tanzania (MAT) has asked the government to put in place a central coordination system that would harmonise provision of healthcare services in the country.
MAT President, Dr Obadia Nyongole, said this on Wednesday October 25 during the 49th National Health Conference held in Dar es Salaam.
Dr Nyongole said the lack of a central coordination system makes it difficult for district and regional health authorities to ensure health provision is coordinated at national level.
"In other sectors, such as roads and other infrastructure, there is the National Roads Agency that ensures all road networks are monitored and taken care of.
“In the health sector, such a system is non-existent. If it existed, all problems related to poor coordination and untimely deployment of health workforce wouldn't have been a problem," he said.
The 3 day conference has been officiated by Vice President Samia Suluhu Hassan who represented President John Magufuli.
